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Bekijk Volledige Versie : Poging om 'Shock & Awe 2: The road to damascus' te verkomen



lennart
17-10-03, 12:39
Thinkers Launch Anti-Empire Drive
by Jim Lobe
October 17, 2003

Representatives of a new coalition of prominent foreign-policy scholars and analysts whose political views range from right to centre-left announced here Thursday they hope to spearhead opposition to the imperial policies pursued by the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush.

Leaders of the 'Coalition for a Realistic Foreign Policy' charged that the administration is moving "in a dangerous direction toward empire," an idea that they said has never been embraced by the U.S. public.

The spokespersons said they will hold a series of policy forums and conferences around the country, publish papers and articles, and represent an anti-imperial viewpoint on television and radio, media that, since the Sep. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and the Pentagon, have been largely dominated by pro-imperial or pro-war voices.

"We are a diverse group of scholars and analysts from across the political spectrum who believe that the move toward empire must be halted immediately," says the coalition's charter statement, signed by 44 foreign-policy specialists.

"We are united by our desire to turn American national security policy toward realistic and sustainable measures for protecting U.S. vital interests in a manner that is consistent with American values," it added.

"The time for debate is now," the charter states, noting that imperial policies "can quickly gain momentum, with new interventions begetting new dangers."

Among the more prominent right-wing signers are Doug Bandow, a special assistant to former president Ronald Reagan and now a senior officer at the libertarian Cato Institute, Scott McConnell, chief editor of The American Conservative magazine and Alan Tonelson of the U.S. Business & Industrial Council Educational Foundation.

Representing more centrist positions are Steven Clemons of the New America Foundation, former senator Gary Hart and Harvard international relations professor Stephen Walt.

More left-wing figures in the group include Charles Kupchan, an aide to former president Bill Clinton now with the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) and Kenneth Sharpe, a prominent foreign-policy analyst from Swarthmore College in Philadelphia.

The launch of the coalition, which intends to recruit other members, comes amid growing concern in both the U.S. Congress and the public about the aftermath of Washington's invasion of Iraq last March.

Congress is currently debating the fate of an administration request for some 87 billion dollars over the next year for U.S. military operations and reconstruction in Iraq. While the package is expected to be approved with only minor modifications, it has provoked substantial unhappiness, even from Bush's fellow Republicans, who worry that the occupation could turn into a quagmire.

In addition, the administration's proposed new anti-terrorist legislation has provoked considerable opposition on Capitol Hill among lawmakers who claim that it jeopardises many constitutional rights and gives too much power to the state.

And while public-approval ratings for Bush's foreign policy, which fell precipitously through the summer, have stabilised, his support as measured by a series of polls this month, continues to erode.

Thursday's launch of the coalition was tied to the change in the national debate, according to Kupchan, who noted that the public dialogue on Washington's global role had been far too muted, if one-sided, since the 9/11 attacks.

"Now there's been a shift in the country that has taken place," he said. "The fact that we're all together here speaks volumes about the degree to which our foreign policy is off course."

"We're finally getting our act together," said Christopher Preble, a Cato analyst who played a key role in convening the group.

The coalition does not intend to recruit from the grassroots, where a number of existing movements opposed the war on Iraq. It will instead focus on the recruitment of foreign-policy specialists and analysts who can help frame the context for public and media debate.

A major target of the group will be the "neo-conservative" strategists in and around the administration, especially those close to Vice President Dick Cheney and Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, who led the charge into Iraq, continue to argue for military and other actions against Syria, Iran, and North Korea, and promoted the larger strategic vision of global U.S. military dominance.

The coalition's purpose appears to be, above all, to publicly take on liberals and conservatives who support the administration's imperial policies, beginning with its 'National Security Strategy.'

That document, issued 13 months ago, calls for Washington to maintain its predominant position in the world at all costs, even to the extent of waging pre-emptive war against would-be rivals, and to reshape regions of the world in ways that are compatible with U.S. interests and values.

"While officials in the Bush administration publicly reject the terms 'empire' and 'imperialism'," according to Preble, "empire fever appears to have seized those on both the political left and the political right," he added, citing a recent assertion by prominent neo-conservative writer Max Boot that "America's destiny is to police the world."

Despite their various political and foreign-policy philosophies, all members of the group accept the basic notion that the pursuit of U.S. military domination will ultimately prove self-defeating.

"We can expect, and are seeing now, multiple balances of power forming against us. People resent and resist domination, no matter how benign," asserts the charter, titled 'The Perils of Empire.'

"Empire is problematic because it subverts the freedoms and liberties of citizens at home, while simultaneously thwarting the will of people abroad," it notes. "An imperial strategy threatens to entangle America in an assortment of unnecessary and unrewarding wars."

An imperial strategy also "threatens to weaken us as a nation, overextending and bleeding the economy and straining our military and federal budgets."

"We are more isolated from the general opinions of mankind than at any time in history," said McConnell, adding that he shares the concerns of conservative icon Edmund Burke, who worried in the early 19th century that Britain's very power at the time would result both in opposition around the world and in taking on costs that it could not afford in the long run.

Kupchan said the administration's basic assumptions had already proven deeply flawed. Among those, he said, were its belief that "the stronger America is, the more uncompromising its leadership, the more likely the rest of the world would follow along."

"The United States today is far less safe than it was several years ago, because we have weakened the international architecture which helped protect us."

(Inter Press Service)

http://www.antiwar.com/ips/lobe101703.html

Gealarmeerd door de plannen van de Neo-Cons om in November Syrie aan te vallen, heeft een groep prominenten uit het hele politieke spectrum nu de taak op zich genomen om de NeoCon kliek uit het centrum van de macht te krijgen. Ondanks dat er veel schandalen naar boven zijn gekomen die ze hiervoor kunnen gebruiken. Bijvoorbeeld dat Perle met de oorlog in Iraq miljoenen heeft verdiend, of dat Dick Cheney nog gewoon salaris van Haliburton blijkt te ontvangen, het overdrijven van de Iraakse dreiging, de leugens over Iraks zogenaamde nucleaire wapens, het straffen van klokkenluiders over dir gedrag van de Bush regering, vrees ik toch dat ze te laat zijn om Shock & Awe 2: The road to Damascus te stoppen.

~Panthera~
17-10-03, 12:59
'Coalition for a Realistic Foreign Policy'

If the buggers would have been "realistic" in the first place, they wouldn't have needed to form this. :D

lennart
17-10-03, 13:27
Geplaatst door ~Panthera~
'Coalition for a Realistic Foreign Policy'

If the buggers would have been "realistic" in the first place, they wouldn't have needed to form this. :D

America is the only country that went from barbarism to decadence without civilization in between.
Oscar Wilde (1854 - 1900)

:)

Blade20
17-10-03, 14:50
Geplaatst door lennart
America is the only country that went from barbarism to decadence without civilization in between.
Oscar Wilde (1854 - 1900)

:)

lol!

Het lijkt me een beetje een achterhaalde spreuk, denk dat je die moet her-evalueren. :)

lennart
17-10-03, 14:56
Geplaatst door Blade20
lol!

Het lijkt me een beetje een achterhaalde spreuk, denk dat je die moet her-evalueren. :)

Waarom?

lennart
23-10-03, 17:24
Cheney's the One
by Jim Lobe
October 23, 2003

The image was not an edifying one: the president of the United States a horse, his vice president, the rider.

But that is the image Sen. Joseph Biden, the ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, used to describe the power relationship between U.S. President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney in a recent interview with the National Journal.

Secretary of State Colin Powell, according to Biden's account, sometimes talks Bush into pursuing a more conciliatory foreign-policy line, as he has done with North Korea or the United Nations from time to time.

"Like with a horse, Powell is always able to lead Bush to the water. But just as he is about to put his head down, Cheney up in the saddle says, 'Un-uh,' and yanks up the reins before Bush can drink the water. That's my image of how it goes," Biden said.

That is also the image which is gaining currency in power circles in Washington. When it comes to foreign policy, Cheney is increasingly seen as holding the reins.

While the mainstream media continue to refer to Bush as the captain of his own foreign-policy ship, hints that Cheney – a Republican right-winger surrounded by neo-conservatives, many with close ties to Israel's Likud Party – is the dominant figure in Washington's diplomacy have become too plentiful to ignore.

The most stunning example was disclosed in a recent 'Washington Post' article that assessed Rice's performance as national security adviser. The authors reported that Bush had ordered Cabinet officials not to give any preferential treatment to Ahmed Chalabi's Iraqi National Congress (INC) as U.S. forces moved into Iraq last spring.

Imagine the shock felt by the State Department when, shortly after Bush gave the order, the Pentagon flew Chalabi and 600 of his armed followers into southern Iraq in early April "with the approval of the vice president."

Enforcing policy discipline, especially in a divided administration, is ordinarily the task of the national security adviser. But Rice, an academic whose substantive knowledge of foreign policy is largely confined to her expertise, the Soviet Union and Russia, has not been equal to the task.

Her failure in that regard, as well as Bush's own passivity and inexperience, is precisely what has enabled Cheney to dominate the policy process, particularly with respect to the Middle East where Cheney's views are almost entirely consistent with those of the neo-cons close to Likud and Sharon.

Even before Sep. 11, Cheney had endorsed Israel's selective assassination policy even as the State Department was denouncing it. One year later, Cheney told Israel's defence minister, albeit privately, that he thought Palestinian President Yasser Arafat "should be hanged."

That Cheney should assume such a dominant role is not surprising given the degree to which Bush depended on him during his presidential campaign and in the administration's early days. And the fact that Cheney, who was asked by Bush to recommend his running mate in 2000, chose himself suggested that he felt confident that Bush would give him extraordinary powers if he won.

Similarly, Cheney played a much more important role than Rice, despite Rice's much closer personal relationship with Bush, in the appointment of both cabinet and sub-cabinet national-security officials, beginning with Rumsfeld at the Pentagon.

Not only did Cheney personally intervene to ensure that Powell's best friend, Richard Armitage, was denied the deputy defence secretary position, but he also played a key role in securing the post for Paul Wolfowitz.

Moreover, it was Cheney who insisted that ultra-unilateralist John Bolton be placed in a top State Department arms position, from which he has pursued policies that run counter to Powell's own preferences.

Cheney's own chief of staff and national security adviser, I Lewis "Scooter" Libby, a Washington lawyer and Wolfowitz protégé, is considered a far more skilled and experienced bureaucratic and political operator than Rice.

Moreover, his own national-security staff, the largest ever employed by a vice president, has largely been chosen for both their ideological affinity with their boss and proven Washington experience. "They play to win," said one State Department official.

With several of his political allies, including deputy national security adviser Stephen Hadley and Middle East director Elliott Abrams, on Rice's larger but more diverse staff, Libby "is able to run circles around Condi," a former NSC official told IPS earlier this year.

Thus, Cheney played a key role in assigning responsibility for post-war reconstruction to the Pentagon, a major departure from past experience when the State Department was given the lead.

Similarly, Cheney backed the Pentagon's exclusion of State Department officials, including Tom Warrick, a highly regarded Iraq specialist who oversaw the mammoth 'Future of Iraq Project' that involved hundreds of Iraqi expatriates and other experts, in the post-war administration.

It was also Cheney and Libby whose frequent trips to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the run-up to the Iraq war played the decisive role in distorting the intelligence process, in part by pressing on CIA analysts questionable evidence supplied by the INC and Pentagon hawks under Rumsfeld, according to retired intelligence officers.

More recently, it was Cheney who led the effort to deny Powell the authority to negotiate a new U.N. Security Council resolution that could have reduced the Pentagon's control over the political transition in Iraq, even after the president had initially approved such a deal.

Even now, according to some sources, Cheney is actively trying to blunt Congressional pressure to reduce the Pentagon's control over Iraq policy and fire several senior Pentagon hawks, beginning with Undersecretary of Defence for Policy Douglas Feith, who are believed to have misled Congress about both the evidence used to justify the war and the post-war situation.

Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman Richard Lugar and Biden, the committee's ranking Democrat, explicitly mentioned Cheney in what amounted to a bipartisan appeal on NBC's 'Meet the Press' television programme Oct. 12 for Bush to assert his control over foreign policy.

"I would say," Biden said, "Mr. President, take charge. Take charge. Let your secretary of defense, state, and your vice president know this is my policy, any one of you that divert from the policy is off the team."

Lugar, a staunch, albeit moderate Republican, said he agreed with Biden, adding, "The president has to be president. That means the president over the vice president and over these secretaries."

The past month's announcements that Rice had hired Robert Blackwill, Bush's former ambassador to India and reputedly a skilled bureaucratic and Republican infighter himself, as a top deputy and that she is heading up a new, inter-agency Iraq Stabilisation Group appeared designed to create the appearance that she was at last taking the reins.

So far, however, there is little evidence that Cheney is prepared to dismount.

(Inter Press Service)

De aanvallen op Cheney nemen toe :)

Maar het zal niet op tijd zijn vrees ik nog steeds. Het is te hopen dat Bush voor December eindelijk stappen neemt om zijn presidentschap nog te redden, maar wat eerder het geval zal zijn is dat Bush een naar ongeluk overkomt.